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Hamas Terrorist Attack - Inside Israeli Prison

By IsraelNationalNews.com & the Jerusalem Post Two Israeli prison guards were stabbed by Hamas inmates on Sunday evening at Keziot prison, in the Negev southwest of Be'er Sheva, a Prison Authority spokesperson reported. One was evacuated in critical condition to the Soroka Medical Center in Be'er Sheva by helicopter. His condition is now stable, and he was able to speak on the phone with his family. The second was treated for mild injuries. 11 Hamas prisoners were injured as guards tried to regain control over them after the stabbing. Seven were also brought to Soroka with three of those in critical condition, according to the Israel Prison Services. Minister of Internal Security Gilad Erdan, who oversees the Israel Police and Prison Services, commented that "We will continue to fight terror within the prison system and to prevent the direction of terror attacks on Israeli citizens from within the prisons." The prison, called Ancar 3 by Palestinians and is near the Israeli border with Egypt, is under full Israeli control. The jail is used primarily for incarcerating terrorists, including terrorists held under administrative orders or held for the duration of their trials. Sunday's attack comes amid massive protests by jailed terrorists against the installation of devices to prevent prisoners from using cellular devices which have been smuggled into the facility.

Israel: Trump to Sign Golan Sovereignty Decree on Monday

By YnetNews.com

President Donald Trump will on Monday sign a decree recognizing Israeli sovereignty on the Golan Heights, Acting Foreign Minister Israel Katz said Sunday. Trump is to host Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu at the White House on Monday The announcement comes just three days after Trump tweeted that it was time for the US to "fully recognize" Israeli sovereignty on the Golan Heights, confirming a shift in American foreign policy hinted at for several weeks. A change in the US view of Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights, which it captured from Syria in the 1967 Six-Day War, along with the West Bank from Jordan and the Gaza Strip from Egypt, was also hinted at earlier this month when the State Department changed its usual description of the plateau from "Israeli-occupied" to "Israeli-controlled" in an annual global human rights report. A separate section of the report on the West Bank and Gaza Strip also did not refer to those territories as being "occupied" or under "occupation." In letters to the editor, Israelis responded: Joseph Goldberg asked: "How much will the people of Israel have to pay to reciprocate to Trump's magnanimity?" Sheila Ramon commented: "The Golan was originally Israeli territory more than 3,000 years ago. It was always ours." And Jacob Ben-Israel opined "Trump is not signing a `sovereignty decree.' He is signing a `sovereignty recognition decree.' Israel earned its sovereignty over the Golan, and we thank the United States for recognizing it after 52 years." Druze on the Golan Heights on Saturday took to the streets in protest at Trump's pledge to recognize the Jewish state's sovereignty there, AFP reported. Tens of thousands of Syrians fled or were expelled when Israel liberated part of the Golan during the 1967 Six Day War, before subsequently annexing it in 1981. Some remained, however, and today around 23,000 Druze reside in the Israeli-controlled sector. The vast majority of these Druze see themselves as Syrians and refuse to take Israeli nationality. However, Druze that remained in Israel after the 1948 war of independence are considered Israeli citizens and many serve in the Israel Defense Forces On Saturday Druze men, women and children rallied in the town of Majdal Shams, waving Druze and Syrian flags and carrying pictures of Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad. Others carried banners in Arabic reading, "The Golan is Syrian" and "We are the ones who decide Golan's identity," according to AFP.

Legendary Israeli Mossad Agent Rafi Eitan Dies at 92

By Israel Hayom
Rafi Eitan, a legendary Israeli Mossad spy who led the capture of Holocaust mastermind Adolf Eichmann, died Saturday. He was 92. Eitan was one of the founders of Israel's vaunted intelligence community and among its most prominent figures in Israel and abroad. "Rafi was among the heroes of the intelligence services of the State of Israel on countless missions on behalf of the security of Israel," said Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu. "His wisdom, wit, and commitment to the people of Israel and our state were without peer." The 1960 operation to capture Eichmann in Argentina and bring him to trial in Jerusalem was the Mossad's most historic mission and remained one of the defining episodes in Israel's history. His trial brought to life the horrors of the Nazi "Final Solution," which followed Eichmann's blueprint for liquidating the entire Jewish population of Europe. Eichmann was convicted in 1961 of war crimes and crimes against humanity. He was hanged the following year – the only time Israel has carried out a death sentence. Known as the "architect of the Holocaust" for his role in coordinating the Nazi genocide policy, Eichmann fled Germany after World War II and assumed the name Ricardo Klement in Argentina. Eitan, who headed the seven-man team on the ground, grabbed Eichmann on the way back to his Buenos Aires home, shoved him into a car and spirited him to a safe house. In the back seat of the car, one agent shoved a gloved hand inside Eichmann's mouth in case he had a cyanide pill hidden in a tooth, as some former top Nazis were known to have to foil their capture. Eitan identified Eichmann by searching his body for distinctive scars on his arm and stomach. "And once I felt it I was convinced. This is the man – we got Eichmann," he recalled years later. Mossad Director Yossi Cohen said the majority of Eitan's exploits remain unknown to the general public. "His work and his actions will be etched in gold letters in the annals of the state," Cohen said in a special statement Saturday. "The foundations that Rafi laid in the first years of the state are a significant layer in the activities of the Mossad even today." Eitan's reputation took a hit in the 1980s for his handling of Jonathan Pollard, a civilian intelligence analyst for the U.S. Navy, who sold military secrets to Israel while working at the Pentagon. Pollard was arrested in 1985 and pleaded guilty, in an espionage affair that embarrassed Israel and severely tarnished its relations with the United States. Eitan claimed his actions were sanctioned by his superiors, but eventually was forced to resign his post. He went into business and later in life entered politics and scored an election sensation in 2006 as head of the Pensioners Party, garnering seven seats in the Knesset and becoming a cabinet minister in then-Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's government. The short and stocky Eitan was easily recognizable by his mop of white hair and his thick, large framed eyeglasses. Eitan, a longtime friend of Ariel Sharon, began his career fighting in the Palmach pre-state militia, where he was wounded in battle and became partially deaf. It was then he also earned his nickname, "Stinky Rafi," after hiding in a pit of sewage while on a mission. Sharon continued to affectionately call him "the stinker" for the next half-century.

Journalism's Longest War: The New York Times vs. Zionism and Israel

By Edward Alexander (Commentary, The Algemeiner)

It has long been commonplace that The New York Times, America's "newspaper of record," which flaunts the motto "All the News that's Fit to Print," failed to report the two greatest mass crimes of the 20th century: Nazi Germany's destruction of European Jewry and the Soviet Union's murder of millions of Ukrainians. As Jerold Auerbach, professor emeritus of history at Wellesley College, tells the story of the Times from its late 19th century beginnings under the guidance of publisher Adolph S. Ochs of Tennessee up to the present day – a prodigious work of historical scholarship and critical analysis – the Times' two abiding principles (almost dogmas) during this "Biblical" tenure of 120 years have been Reform Judaism and American patriotism. Both Ochs' religious commitment and his unswerving `America First' loyalty were dogmatic and excluded sympathy with the Zionist movement. The two opposing forces came to prominence simultaneously: Theodor Herzl published The Jewish State: An Attempt at a Modern Solution of the Jewish Problem in 1897, just six months before Ochs purchased the Times, then in desperate financial straits. He aimed to make it not only a financial success but "a model American newspaper for fairness, cleanliness, independence, and enterprise." Ochs was also determined to keep the Times from either appearing as or being a Jewish newspaper and to this end, he took such measures, whenever possible, as hiding writers' Jewish names behind initials. Writers named Abraham had bylines only with the initial "A." Not until 1976 would the Times have a Jewish editorial page editor, Max Frankel, who later confessed that he was "much more deeply devoted to Israel than I dared to assert." Ochs' commitment to Reform Judaism, it should be noted, went very deep, and it entailed unrelenting opposition to Zionism or even to the notion of a Jewish people that transcended national boundaries. A Jew with American citizenship was in his view an American not only first but entirely and exclusively. He would provocatively ask American Zionists whether they would fight for America or a conjectural Jewish state should the two countries go to war. He was a devout America Firster. Rarely did Ochs and his newspaper come to the defense even of persecuted American Jews, and when they did, they came to regret it. Lawyer Louis Marshall persuaded Ochs to rally the Times in defense of Leo Frank, framed in 1913 for the rape and murder of teenager Mary Phagan. But when a Georgia paper accused the Times of "Jewish propaganda," Ochs vowed never again to support a public cause, certainly not one involving Jews. Auerbach shows how the Ochs-Sulzberger New York Times and the Reform Movement – led by anti-Zionist zealots like Judah Magnes and groups like the American Council for Judaism – formed a kind of interlocking directorate that turned a cold shoulder to Jews coming under Nazi rule. He demonstrates how the Times' emphasis on "universalism" extended to concealment of Hitler's destruction of European Jewry, by now the subject of Deborah Lipstadt's Beyond Belief(1986) and Laurel Leff's Buried By the Times (2005). Nor were the Nazis the sole beneficiaries of the Times` universalism. Jews are desperately needing rescue from Europe and escape to the United States or Palestine found no support from the Times. Reform Jews were largely content with an American president who would not even allow the pre-Hitler quotas for Jewish immigrants to be filled. The intensity of Reform Judaism's Ochs-Sulzberger rejection of Jewish peoplehood makes it, in Auerbach's view, the key not only to the Times' past suppression of the truth about the destruction of European Jewry but also to its enduring anti-Zionist editorial advocacy and its unrelenting "Blame Israel First" principle of interpreting Israel's constant burden of peril. Auerbach demonstrates how Anthony Lewis and Thomas Friedman, perhaps more consistently than all other Times regulars obsessed with Israel, have been addicted to a double standard in judging the adversaries in the Arab-Israeli conflict. They believe that the more unfairly Israel is treated by The New York Times, the better off it (and everybody else) will be. An irreverent reader of the paper long ago nominated Lewis for the Pete Rose Journalism Award in recognition of his having written 44 consecutive columns on the Arab-Israeli conflict that laid all blame for its continuation on the intransigence and brutality of the Jews, adding that even a Joe DiMaggio award (56 consecutive "hits" against Israel) might be insufficient recognition of consistency in depicting the Jewish state as a breeding ground for fanatics. Lewis typically deplored Israeli actions not merely because they hurt Arabs. He deplored them because they "cannot serve the spirit of Israel or its true security." Like Brutus brooding over the misdeeds of his beloved Caesar, Lewis persuaded himself that "in the spirit of men there is no blood." He was therefore not tremendously perturbed by the prospect that it may be difficult to come by Israel's spirit without dismembering the Jewish State. "Yes," Lewis wrote, "there is a double standard. From its birth, Israel asked to be judged as a light among nations." Of course, this preposterous assertion reveals a total ignorance of the Zionist movement, which rejected Jewish chosenness and sought to normalize Jewish existence as a member of the family of nations, treated neither better nor worse than others. Lewis' formulation was sinister in suggesting that Israel has no right to exist unless and until it is perfect. Thomas Friedman has been on the same track. In his book From Beirut to Jerusalem, he recounts a moment of revelation in London while reading the International Herald Tribune. The day's paper had spread over four columns on its front page a photo of "an Israeli soldier not beating, not killing, but grabbing a Palestinian." When he sought out the story behind the photo, he found only a two-paragraph item on page two. The rude blare on page one had blotted out, among other small troubles in the Islamic world, that day's slaughter of several thousand people in the Iran-Iraq war. What, Friedman wondered, explained this "lack of proportion?" He answered that "this unique double dimension" is attributable to "the historical and religious movements to which Israel is connected in Western eyes." So that's the explanation of the relentless, obsessive lashing of Israel by him and his colleagues at the Times and elsewhere? He continues: "What the West expected from the Jews of the past, it expects from Israel today." Can this be the same "West" that for centuries, far from seeing Jews as carriers of prophetic morality, hounded and persecuted them because they had murdered or continued stubbornly to "deny" the Son of God; the West whose secular leaders first told the Jews that they couldn't continue to practice Judaism in Europe, then that they couldn't continue to live in Europe, and then that they couldn't continue to live? Is this what Friedman learned about European and Jewish history in the suburban Minneapolis high school he attended? Of course, as Auerbach amply demonstrates in this remarkable and magisterial book, Friedman and Lewis and their like have not been telling the truth about Western expectations of the Jews. Here is a Philip Roth character, an ignorant lout to be sure, on this subject: "The fellows who say to you, `I expect more of the Jews,' don't believe them. They expect less. What they are saying is, `Okay, we know you're a bunch of ravenous bastards and given half the chance you'd eat up half the world … We know all these things about you, and so we're going to get you now. And how? Every time you make a move, we're going to say, `But we expect more of Jews, Jews are supposed to behave better''…I would have thought that it was the non-Jews whose behavior could stand a little improvement." In slightly less colorful language, the author's study of the Times conveys a similar message, along with the recognition, generally absent from the paper, that the establishment of the State of Israel just a few years after the destruction of European Jewry was one of history's great affirmations of life over death. Edward Alexander is professor emeritus of English at the University of Washington. His most recent book is Jews Against Themselves.



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